Arms and Politics in the Dominican Republic by G Pope Atkins

Author:G Pope Atkins [Atkins, G Pope]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Social Science, Political Science, General
ISBN: 9780367018658
Google: 73ekDwAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 50089272
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2019-06-07T00:00:00+00:00

Early the following day, on May 10, Balaguer accepted the resignations. He immediately named replacements, adding his own personal touch. In the morning, he went to air force headquarters at San Isidro air base, announced the resignations, and swore in a new air force chief of staff. Without delay, he proceeded to navy headquarters at the 27th of February naval base, again announced the resignations, and installed a new navy chief of staff. Returning to the presidential palace, Balaguer temporarily assumed the armed forces secretary’s portfolio. Two days later, he named his appointments for armed forces secretary and army chief of staff.

Why did Balaguer feel compelled to name Nivar as chief of police over the protest of his highest-ranking officers? The Pérez Group’s prestige and positions had increased steadily since the death of Caamaño, to the point that the balance had swung too heavily in their favor. Nivar’s power was at a very low ebb: Nivar himself felt that his career had effectively ended and that his enemy finally had won out in their long rivalry. The president was aware that Perez and his cohorts were making important decisions without his approval. Consequently, he again designated Nivar to restore the balance as a counterpoise to Pérez, precipitating the series of momentous events.

Balaguer’s appointment of Nivar and the Pérez Group’s reaction to it involved mutual miscalculation about the other’s probable behavior. While the president felt compelled to readjust the balance of power, he did not anticipate the strong reaction by the military chiefs whom he had affronted. The Pérez Group, in protesting Nivar’s appointment and attempting to pressure Balaguer into reversing it, misread the president’s resolve as well as their own capability. Balaguer refused to back down on his decision already publicly announced, for it would have indicated political weakness on his part. The resultant crisis was resolved in the president’s favor by his immediate and forceful action in accepting the resignations and making new appointments.

The Pérez Group, shocked, frustrated, and again threatened by an enemy whom they had considered isolated and impotent, took the extraordinary step of airing in public their differences with the president. They released the news of their resignations to newspapers during a press conference at the armed forces secretariat on May 10, only hours after their receipt by Balaguer and even as the president was replacing them. Pérez was rumored to be outside the capital with the First Brigade. While the rumor had no basis in fact, the president and military men recognized the possibility of some sort of violent action by an apparently determined Pérez Group. Troops were ordered to barracks. Loyal armed force units intensified security around the presidential palace and closely watched various troop commands, especially those in proximity to the capital. By May 12, it was clear that Pérez was making no attempt to move troops. In the meantime, most high-ranking military men had formally pledged their loyalty to the president. On the evening of May 10, senior officers (and members of

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